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Dodane przez: ~Anonim (2013-04-29 06:07) -> text
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By the fifth day it was clear that no one closely associated with either Naples or Milan had a chance of being elected. The Sforzas, with Ascanio pulling every possible string, were prepared to go to any 
lengths to block della Rovere and his party. Della Rovere for his part would accept schism before a Milanese pope. As so often in the past, compromise was unavoidable. Once accepted as necessary, it
 was achieved quickly and with surprising ease. August 11 brought not only the election but ultimately the unanimous election of Rodrigo Borgia. And with it the start of rumors, immortalized in the reports of 
various ambassadors back to their home cities, of how the Spaniard had used his supposedly colossal wealth to buy the crown. According to one particularly colorful story, four stout mules had been 
needed to transfer a fortune in silver—or was it gold?—from Rodrigo’s palace to the residence of Ascanio Sforza.
 
 
What actually happened was that Ascanio, knowing his own election to be impossible and fearful that a prolongation of the deadlock might end in a shift to della Rovere, decided to instruct the members of 
his faction to support Rodrigo. Records of the conclave, lost in the Vatican archives for centuries, show that from the first day Ascanio had himself been voting for Rodrigo, as had two cardinals generally 
acknowledged to be incorruptible, Carafa and Piccolomini. Getting votes from the other camp was less easy, Rodrigo’s relationship with the prickly della Rovere being no better than anyone else’s. But that 
too came to pass, della Rovere himself deciding to align himself with the inevitable and undoubtedly not foreseeing just how bitter the loss of this election was going to make him. No tales of simony—of 
paying for votes—are needed to explain the outcome. Rodrigo’s initial support for Ascanio did not change the fact that, having declined to choose sides in the quarrel between France and Milan on one side 
and Naples and Venice on the other, he had no bonds of obligation to any of the leading powers. Thus if none of these powers could count on him for special favors, neither did any of them have reason to 
fear him or regard him as the agent of their enemies. At a dangerous time for all Italy, with the Church in urgent need of competent and responsible leadership, Rodrigo’s experience was unequaled. He was
 also respected and liked on all sides. And one searches in vain, even in the writings and recorded comments of his most intransigent political enemies, for contemporary evidence of immoral behavior. By 
any reasonable measure, taking into account the general state of affairs in Italy in 1492, he was quite simply the best man for the job.
 
 
None of which constitutes proof that the best man did not get the job by buying it, of course. But consider: to whatever extent money may have been a factor in the election, the big money was in the hands 
of della Rovere and, to a lesser but still impressive extent, of Ascanio Sforza. We have already seen that Rodrigo’s wealth was probably never nearly as great as is commonly assumed; if the papacy had in 
fact been for sale in 1492, he would have found it a challenge to outbid the competition. Nor, if he had attempted to buy it, could he ever have bought the votes of those cardinals who were definitely not for 
sale. The ambassadors who wrote home complaining of simony had personal agendas of their own. Usually they were attempting to excuse their failure to predict the election’s outcome. It is said that when 
Ferrante of Naples learned of the election’s result, he burst into tears. It is even suggested that he did so because it grieved him to see the papacy fall into the hands of such a bad man. That so vicious an 
old reprobate would be capable of deploring any such thing is preposterous. If anything made Ferrante weep, it was not corruption (almost the least of his own crimes) but the emergence of a pontiff who 
was likely to be impossible to control. While the conclave was still in process, he had described Rodrigo as “this one who has energy, brains, and resources”—and who should, therefore, be stopped from 
taking the throne. France, Venice, and Florence were all uneasy for exactly the same reason. Ferdinand and Isabella, on the other hand, were delighted at the election of an old friend and another Spanish 
pope.
 
Regardless of what or whether he shouted for joy, a man as well prepared and brimming with vitality as Rodrigo Borgia must have been thrilled to be elected. After a daylong coronation ceremony during 
which the people of Rome rejoiced at the crowning of a popular figure and the heavily robed object of their celebration fainted more than once in the summertime heat, Pope Alexander VI threw himself into
 his new role with his customary brio. Required as all new popes were to relinquish his benefices, he ended the month of August with a consistory at which the many bishoprics, abbeys, and other properties 
that he had accumulated over the decades were passed to other hands. Most of the cardinals benefited to a greater or lesser extent, providing inexhaustible ammunition to those writers who, over the 
centuries, have pointed to this first consistory of his reign as the mechanism through which Alexander redeemed the pledges that had bought him the throne.
 
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